‘Sodia tolloke’ Buruli Bolope’
Abunge’m daklupto te’re’n te’re’pe’
Sulli lok du:ne’ Mising oua.’ [3]
(From Sadia to Buruli
We the Misings occupy the riverine tracts
O dear Pékam, O dear Kamdang,
O dear Misings who live on sand.)
With a sorrowful voice, Jugen lamented a line of a song, describing the current state of the Misings, who live along the rivers.
I met Jugen in the banks of Obonori river. The Obonori river meets the plains of Assam from Arunachal Pradesh hitting the district of Dhemaji and flows towards Lakhimpur district. Misings inhabit the banks of the Obonori river. Originally from a nearby village, Jugen regularly comes to the island and often stays overnight to catch fish. His song conveyed the struggles and resource scarcity faced by many like him who depend on the river for livelihood. The Misings continue to live near rivers, despite frequent floods. Often, they blame themselves for the sufferings that they have had to endure historically. Elderly Misings compare their situation unfavorably to other communities that have settled away from rivers to possess more fertile lands. I asked Jugen why the Misings live near the rivers, and he responded, ‘Our ancestors were ‘monbangs’ (fools). Look at the mipaks (non-Misings). They are situated in a better location than us. We, the Misings, are vulnerable to recurrent floods.’ Remarks like these often emerge during flood episodes. News of displacement and destruction caused by floods often prompts elders to reproach their ancestors. By referring to themselves and their ancestors as ‘monbangs’ , Jugen and other elder Misings place themselves at the centre of an ongoing struggle faced by their community.
Historically, floods have led the Misings to become landless and homeless, resulting in migrations of people seeking land, which has further led to conflicts over land in the present day (B. Pegu & Pegu, 2018). Nevertheless, in the face of this intricate relationship with flooding, there is a growing body of scholarly work depicting the Misings as ‘resilient’ for their expertise in living with and coexisting alongside floods (Chetry, 2022; Kipgen & Pegu, 2018; T. Pegu, 2018). Mising stilt houses (Kare Okum) are recognised as a form of infrastructure that endures and adapts to regular inundations (Chetry, 2022; Kipgen & Pegu, 2018; T. Pegu, 2018). Similarly, in recent years, during monsoon-induced floods in Assam, the Mising, an indigenous community accustomed to enduring and living with floods have been prominently featured in numerous news reports. These narratives also emphasise the importance of adopting the Mising way of life and adjusting to the increasing frequency of flooding events in Assam. However, such assumptions that portray the Misings as inherently resilient overlook the complexities inherent in residing within a hazard-prone landscape. Apart from a few scholarly contributions (M. Baruah, 2023b; Saikia, 2015, 2019a), academic understanding of communities affected by floods has often led to the marginalisation and naturalisation of their historical suffering, frequently attributing floods as natural disasters and neglecting the role of the state in their genesis. Such a dominant discourse tends to oversimplify the complex material and historical factors that shape their lived experiences. This outlook often overlooks the fact that a significant portion of the Mising population has chosen to migrate away from the riverine environment due to recurrent flooding and riverbank erosion.
It is essential to examine the historical role of the state in permanently settling the Mising population as ryot[4], compelling the Misings to reside in a volatile environment. Due to the river’s unpredictable nature and the necessity to manage floods, the state implements flood control measures through the construction of embankments. Baruah (2023) argues that environmental transformations have taken a disastrous form due to state interventions dating back to colonial times. Several scholars have observed that flood control measures in Assam, such as the introduction of embankments, have led to unprecedented disasters and irreversible ecological damage, resulting in landlessness and homelessness among a substantial portion of the floodplain population (M. Baruah, 2023b; Crémin, 2014; Saikia, 2015, 2019a).
Following the construction of embankments, the Indian government regarded dams as vital for flood control and promoting development in underdeveloped regions. However, once seen as symbols of progress and growth during the Nehruvian era, dams have since lost their legitimacy owing to a history of anti-dam protests across India. By the time numerous dams were proposed in the Northeastern region, they were perceived as potential contributors to flooding, based on the unprecedented floods in the Brahmaputra Valley caused by dams in the surrounding hilly areas at the turn of the 21st century (Sharma, 2018). Over the past decade, anti-dam movements have characterised regional dams as infrastructure that could destroy riverine civilisation. Nevertheless, the Indian government remains committed to the development of large dams in the region, which has left many downstream populations living in a state of vulnerability.
Hence, this essay offers a critical analysis of how continuous government interventions since colonial times have exacerbated the vulnerability of the Mising community and hindered their capacity to adapt to recurring flooding and erosion. It also challenges the current simplistic assumption of resilience attributed to the Mising community, emphasizing the need to consider the evolving historical and material contexts that shape their experiences.
Permanent settlement and increasing floods
Since the British colonial regime assumed control of the region, the previously fluid revenue geographies were consolidated (Kar, 2019). The restructuring was predicated upon the virtue of settled agriculture as a marker of civilisation and stable revenue generation (S. Baruah, 2001; Kar, 2019), which was epitomised by the introduction of the category of ryot. In the context of ryotwari settlement in Assam, it is imperative to understand how the Misings, recognised for inhabiting floodplains and practising shifting cultivation, have been evaluated for taxation.
Colonial officials documented the Misings as a mobile population along numerous riverine tracts in eastern Assam. Due to their migratory practices, colonial authorities allocated chapori lands to the Misings with a poll tax of Rs 3 (Mills, 1984). The Misings were prohibited from obtaining rupit lands, which are more suitable for permanent cultivation (System of Assessing the Miris, 1877). Nevertheless, since the inception of ryotwari settlement, the tax status of the Misings remained unresolved for many years. A gradual effort was made to impose taxation on them akin to that of the general ryot. This process coincided with the colonial regime’s efforts in the later decades of the 19th century to incorporate floodplains into settled agriculture, thereby transforming them into more productive spaces (Saikia, 2015). The criteria for levying general taxation were based on the transition to permanent and extensive cultivation in the floodplains, thereby classifying cultivators as ryots. The Misings in Majuli, formerly in Sibsagar district, became full-fledged ryots with permanent, sedentary farms by the last decades of the 19th century. By 1908-1909, the Misings on the northern bank of Dhemaji and Sissi Mauza had been assessed under the general taxation system, following the abandonment of previous taxation policies after a cadastral survey of the villages (Survey and Settlement of the Miri Village near the Dijmur Guard- Lakhimpur, 1910). During the first half of the 20th century, the floodplains, previously regarded as wasteland, became highly productive and were integrated into permanent peasant cultivation (Saikia, 2015).
The permanent settlement revenue regime has led to the sedentarisation of the Misings within the floodplains. The adoption of a sedentary life and engagement in permanent cultivation may have also been motivated by aspirations and opportunities aimed at enhancing material conditions, an aspect that requires a separate analysis. The establishment of settlements along riverbanks has been a longstanding historical concern, as evidenced by archival sources. The intensification of flooding in the early 20th century had a significant impact on the British administration, resulting in substantial revenue losses (R. Goswami, 2010). These floods were associated with rising riverbeds, which were attributed to the 1897 earthquake (R. Goswami, 2010). The catastrophic floods of 1900 and 1916 ranked among the severest, following the earthquake, with Goswami noting that the inhabitants of the valley endured greater hardships from flooding compared to the previous century. Mising leader Karka Chandra Doley, in his speech during the second session of the legislative assembly held on 7th August 1937, underscored land erosion and recurrent flooding as critical problems faced by the Misings (Assam Legislative Assembly Debates, 1937). In the first half of the 20th century, the destruction of permanent cultivation due to flooding drew the attention of the administration, as it precipitated a famine-like situation in Assam during the 1940s (Saikia, 2015).
In conjunction with this permanent settlement, it is essential to consider other categories of lands claimed by the state, such as forest reserves and grazing reserves, which have primarily impeded displaced populations and led to evictions. Karka Chandra Doley also highlighted the increasing vulnerability of the community owing to the struggles associated with resettlement and the persistent threat of eviction from government-assigned land (Assam Legislative Assembly Debates, 1937).
The 1950s earthquake exacerbated the flooding (Saikia, 2019a). Additionally, in 1952 and 1954, Assam experienced severe flooding (Saikia, 2019a), resulting in the loss of habitats and agricultural lands. Saikia (2019) notes that the rivers have transformed from flowing uniformly into a braided configuration. Following the 1950 event, numerous scholars have observed that the rise of riverbeds and alterations in river courses, along with the braided nature of the Brahmaputra, have intensified the dual phenomena of flooding and erosion. Riverbank erosion and recurrent floods have increased, causing impoverishment among most Misings (B. Pegu & Pegu, 2018). It is evident from the works of Baruah (2023b, 2023a) that the communities continue to grapple with the dual processes of flooding and erosion, which have become more prevalent. Baruah indicates that this has led to the shrinking of Majuli island from 1,255 square kilometres to 421 square kilometres in the 20th century, resulting in 10,000 individuals becoming homeless and displacing thousands more. He estimates that during the second half of the 20th century, Assam experienced a land loss of approximately 7.5% due to erosion, equivalent to roughly 4,000 square kilometres. A geological study on the evolving course and erosion of Obonori revealed that the total area eroded between 1920 and 1970, and between 1970 and 1990, was 107.90. 90 and 57. 50 square kilometres, respectively (U. Goswami et al., 1999). Recent investigations into the erosion of Obonori from 1989 to 2017 indicate that approximately 103 square kilometres were affected (Bordoloi et al., 2020). It is common to encounter annual news reports concerning riverbank erosion, which renders landless and homeless individuals along the riverbanks.
The impact of the flood is evident among my grandmother’s family and the villages in the easternmost part of Majuli. They experienced a gradual process of flooding and erosion, which eradicated the remnants of their village. Consequently, in the decades following the 1950s, my grandmother’s family began searching for vacant land to reclaim. Similarly, significant numbers of unrecorded internal displacements occurred from these riparian zones, as inhabitants searched for safer areas. One of the most recent issues involves the erosion and flooding of homes and land, leaving the villagers of Laika and Dhodiya villages in Dibrugarh and Tinsukia homeless. Likewise, one can come across news of the twin processes of flooding and erosion, which have rendered other Mising villages along the riverine tracts of eastern Assam. This situation exemplifies the fragility of establishing settlements along dynamic riverine and conservation spaces in contemporary times. Scholars underscore the precarious circumstances faced by the Misings in upper Assam, compelling them to seek alternative residential areas, often within protected forest zones, which frequently leads to conflicts with conservation authorities and local communities (Jairath, 2025; B. Pegu & Pegu, 2018).
The incoming embankments and the dams- forcing newer uncertainties
Picture- NHPC Dam in Gerukhamukh. Courtesy- Pranab Kr. Pegu (author)
In the context of recurring flooding, embankments emerged as a primary response to the impending floods in the Brahmaputra Valley (Saikia, 2015). Consequently, between 1954 and 1987, a total of 4,448 km of embankments were constructed (Saikia, 2015). However, following independence, the effectiveness of embankments as a flood prevention measure has been questioned, with many experts deeming them an outdated solution for floodplain management. As Saikia (2019) articulates, embankments served only as a temporary measure and were effective primarily during the initial stages. Although the number of embankments has increased, numerous scholars contend that such infrastructure has exacerbated the severity of floods and inflicted irreversible ecological harm.
In the post-independence era, both the central and Assam state governments identified dams as potential remedies for flooding (Saikia, 2019a). Promoting notions of ‘improving’ and controlling the rivers, the Assam government, with assistance from the Indian Government, considered the construction of dams (R. Goswami, 2010). Accordingly, numerous dams were proposed on the Brahmaputra and its tributaries to manage floods and generate hydropower. Dams on the Brahmaputra and the Obonori River were prioritised among these initiatives (Saikia, 2019a). The Subansiri Lower Hydro-electric Project (SLHEP) was incorporated into India’s post-independence master plan, which aimed to control floods in the flood-prone Assam Valley (Saikia, 2019a; Sharma, 2018). This project stemmed from regional political demands and public aspirations for flood mitigation in Assam (Saikia, 2019a; Sharma, 2018). Saikia (2019) notes that over the last two decades of the twentieth century, there was a paradigm shift concerning dam construction, with diminishing emphasis on supporting the peasant economy. Dam projects under the influence of international economic and national political factors gained prominence, transforming dams from multifunctional infrastructure into facilities solely designated for electricity generation (Saikia, 2019a). However, amidst advocacy for large dams, the Northeastern Region experienced growing protests, particularly against the 2000 MW SLHEP dam constructed on the Obonori River (See also Sharma, 2018). This dam introduced further uncertainties for already struggling riverine communities, which were simultaneously battling flooding and erosion. The protest movement highlighted issues such as the dam’s location in a highly seismic zone, unprecedented downstream flooding, biodiversity loss, and livelihood disruption. It successfully cultivated fears regarding the dam’s impact, drawing public attention and challenging the developmental narrative promoted by the state. It managed to halt dam construction from 2011 until 2019. However, in 2019, the National Green Tribunal approved the dam’s reconstruction in the interest of public welfare (Saikia, 2019b). The resumption of dam construction has revived dystopian fears among local communities, sentiments that remain prevalent.
Anticipating an uncertain future
Since the resumption of dam construction, concerns regarding the potential failure of the dam have become paramount among the local population. Multiple landslides in the vicinity have exacerbated fears among downstream residents and have caused delays in the dam’s commissioning. In late October 2023, I received a phone call from my friend Rahul, who works as a construction worker at the dam site. During his call, he reported that a landslide had obstructed the river’s flow, stating, “The river is blocked and gradually drying up. Many people are concerned about this. Please check the news.” Following our conversation, I observed that social media platforms were inundated with images and videos depicting the drying river. Numerous local residents shared updates and voiced their apprehensions regarding the situation. Several news organisations promptly reported the landslides; for instance, The Arunachal Times reported, “Landslides hit Subansiri Lower HEP; river flow drastically reduced (Rina, 2023).” The landslides had obstructed the diversion tunnel, leading to a significant decrease in the river’s water level. The article also noted that, “Over the past three years, the project has been affected by four major landslides,” with previous incidents occurring in April of the same year and during the 2022 monsoon season (Rina, 2023).
As the dam approaches completion, it has become a continual source of anxiety. Daily conversations about the dam often involve fears of unprecedented flooding. For example, during a discussion with a group along the Obonori River, a middle-aged man meticulously calculated which villages would be most affected. Another individual assessed the potential flood intensity if the dam were to fail, pointing at a tree and estimating the water level in the event of a future flood. Similarly, Jugen had expressed, “The dam will eventually fail. Even if it does not fail, it might collapse on the hillside. The frequency of landslides has increased since construction activities intensified. Landslides recur on the hills surrounding the construction site each year during the rainy season. We are aware that the hills are exceedingly soft. Even experts have advised against the construction of this dam.” He added, with an increasingly apocalyptic tone, “One day, an earthquake will cause the dam to break, and then everything will revert to normal. Natural disasters are often beyond our control; earthquakes, in particular, cannot be prevented. Should a natural disaster occur soon, it would decimate us.”
These statements reflect the fears and opinions of several others, especially the workers at the dam. These people are familiar with the quality of the rock and soil that form the area’s hills. The yearly erosion of the hills at the construction site supports the people’s concerns. Many people reflect on the fear and catastrophic visions discussed during the protests, which continue to be discussed today. Recently, this has been reflected in the destruction of the Chungthang dam in Sikkim on the Teesta River and the Ranganadi dam on the Ranganadi River in Arunachal Pradesh, which caused unprecedented floods resulting in loss of life and property downstream.
Despite this, the Indian government continues to push for the development of hydropower projects in the fragile, ecologically sensitive Himalayas, disregarding the local communities’ resistance and concerns. The idea of progress through development remains a justification for displacement (Jairath, 2024). The state’s role has shifted to facilitating or brokering private investment, which is central to dispossession in India (Jairath, 2024; Levien, 2018). Although anti-dam movements oppose these projects, dams are viewed as solutions to India’s energy shortage and regional underdevelopment, especially in the Northeast (Chowdhury & Kipgen, 2013; Huber, 2019). Recently, framing the issue within the context of climate change, the government’s push for dams aims to position India as a leader in renewable energy, often at the expense of Indigenous populations in the eastern Himalayas. The green energy narrative is used to legitimize large dam construction, frequently ignoring fears of floods and erosion rooted in historical suffering. Recently, construction started on one of the world’s largest dams (2.88 GW) in Arunachal Pradesh, India’s easternmost state bordering China. These dams threaten and heighten the vulnerability of downstream communities in the Brahmaputra River floodplains, exacerbating their poverty and exposing them to constant anxiety. The Misings and other riparian communities await potential disasters caused by these dams. The unprecedented floods triggered by these dams’ risk wiping out large parts of the Mising population, who have historically shown resilience against regular flooding and erosion.
Conclusion
Indeed, the Misings have acquired the ability to coexist with and navigate the river, notwithstanding its complexities. Perhaps the world should recognise and learn how we have adapted to these fluid riverine environments. Nevertheless, these labels of resilience should not obscure the historical injustices inflicted upon the community by compelling them to settle in volatile areas. To highlight the contemporary living conditions of the Misings, it is important to note that their resilience in the face of disasters does not fully capture the historical and material circumstances that have shaped their current habitat. Following the twin processes of flooding and erosion, the once-nomadic population has been confined to specific areas, leading to numerous losses of life and livelihood. With no lands available for resettlement, the Misings are compelled to develop new strategies to cope with the imminent threats of floods, the oppressive machinery of the state, and the long-standing processes of impoverishment affecting the community. These challenges persist today, with many Misings living in fear within their confined spaces. The construction of the SLHEP and other dams in the neighbouring Himalayan region has subjected riverine communities to constant fear, as they anticipate a dystopian future with limited options for relocation.
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[1] Pékam is a female water crow.
[2] Kamdang refers to a male water crow.
[3] This song is a stanza of a song written by Muhidar Pegu known as’ ‘sullilok du:ne’’.
[4] Ryot is a term for a peasant cultivator who holds the proprietorship right over land. This term gained prominence under the Ryotwari system, introduced by the colonial government in India.
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